SOMALILAND FORUM
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EDITORIAL
Puntland’s Looming
Civil War
By all indications, the struggle
for political power in Puntland between Abdillahi Yusuf and his archenemy, Jama
Ali Jama, has reached the point of exploding into a bloody civil war. After all
local attempts to mediate a peaceful solution to their power struggle had
failed, the two men are now preparing their supporters for war against each
other.
Abdillahi Yusuf thinks that it’s
his divine right to rule the Majerteen. He has never concealed this firm
self-conviction, not even in the days of the SSDF in the eighties when he
refused to yield to widespread demands from the rank and file of the
organization calling for his replacement as chairman. And even when in 1984,
the SNM pleaded with him to step down for the sake of averting an imminent
collapse of his organization, Abdillahi Yusuf kept arguing until the end that
the SSDF was his horse, and his alone, and that no one except himself was
entitled to lead it. As a result, the SSDF totally disintegrated by the end of
1984, leaving the SNM to bear alone the burden of continuing the armed
resistance against Barre’s regime until the bitter end. As then, Col. Abdillahi
Yusuf now considers Puntland (proclaimed as a regional state in 1998) as an
entity of his own making. Although there is considerable truth in that assertion,
however it didn’t deter another equally power-hungry former colonel, Jama Ali
Jama, from seeking Abdillahi Yusuf’s position as the unopposed political leader
of the Majerteen enclave in North Eastern Somalia.
Of course, Mr. Jama couldn’t
have dared to proclaim himself President of Puntland in mid last year, had it
not been for the active encouragement and support he has been receiving from
the Mogadishu-based Arta group and fundamentalist groups in the region. But
even with such support, Mr. Jama failed to establish any meaningful authority
beyond the port city of Bosasso. Thus his increasing resort to seeking help
from his tribal group of the Majerteen.
It would have naturally been
more sensible if the people of Puntland were allowed to develop their own
political formula for unseating Abdillahi Yusuf peacefully. But the Arta
group’s desperate, though unsuccessful, drive to secure the undisputed support
of at least the Majerteen constituency, has ended any such hope.
What is happening now in
Puntland is that there are two former military officers each claiming the
political leadership of the regional state. And both claimants are determined
to continue inciting their tribal supporters into violence.
Somaliland’s increasing anxiety
about the explosive situation there is understandable. Puntland is a neighbor
and whatever happens there will have, at the very least, some security and
economic implications for Somaliland. In this respect, Somaliland’s government
should take all the necessary precautions for protecting Somaliland’s stability
and territorial integrity, should a large-scale civil war erupt in Puntland in
the near future. The critical question of how to avert a violent power struggle
in Puntland should not be avoided. The Somaliland government should do whatever
it can to defuse the highly tense situation in that region.
The sponsors of the 15th
peace conference on Somalia, scheduled to take place in Nairobi at the end of
this month, will surely serve the Somalis better if they also tried to mediate
a peaceful settlement of the current crisis in Puntland.
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Puntland on the Verge of Civil
War
Galka’ayo (SL Times): The two claimants for Puntland’s
leadership, Col.Abdillahi Yusuf and Col. Jama Ali Jama have brought the
regional state in North Eastern Somalia to the brink of civil war.
Abdillahi Yusuf has been throughout
last week seizing private trucks to use them for transporting logistics,
ammunition, weapons and troops to army barracks at Garowe.
Abdillahi Yusuf’s militiamen
operating in the area of Galka’ayo intercepted the vehicles. About 50 of the
trucks seized belong to citizens of Somaliland.
However, Mr. Yusuf has reportedly
told some owners of these trucks who contacted him from Burao that vehicles
found to be owned by Isaak Somalilanders will be released soon.
“I will retain those belonging to the Harti,” Mr.Yusuf was quoted as saying.
In the meanwhile, weapons from Eritrea have been arriving at locations near Bossaso. Reports about these arm shipments, paid for by Libya, circulated last week in Djibouti.
According to reliable sources, the
shipments first arrived in Djibouti from Eritrean ports. Dhows were then used
to ferry the weapons to the Puntland coast. The Prime Minister of the Arta
faction Mr. Hassan Abshir has also managed to convince Abdiqassim Salad to send
small arms belonging to his Ayr militiamen to Jama Ali Jama. Abshir is from the
same Majerteen tribe as Yusuf and Jama. But Abshir vigorously supports Jama Ali
Jama.
Unlike other parts of Somalia that
have been engulfed in wars, the regional state of Puntland or Majerteenia has
been a peacefully stable place. Since the establishment of the Arta faction in
August 2000, however, Puntland’s tranquility has been undermined by strong
interventions by leaders of the so-called Transitional National Government of
Somalia, headed by Abdiqasim Salad and Hassan Abshir. Despite being accorded a
short lived international legitimacy, the TNG failed to secure internal
legitimacy among the Somalis. Desperate to acquire a foothold in at least one
more Somali territory, other than a segment of southern Mogadishu, the TNG has
embarked on a policy to dismantle the Puntland administration headed by Abdillahi
Yusuf with the view of replacing it by a leadership allied to the TNG.
Jama Ali Jama who was picked by
Hassan Abshir was supposed to announce Puntland’s allegiance to the TNG.
During a 5-day visit to Ethiopia
last Thursday, Mr.Jama was quoted as saying “we want both Ethiopia and Puntland
to live in very normal conditions and for that reason we have a common view on
terrorism”.
Mr. Jama has been long suspected of maintaining ties with extremist groups in the region. Meanwhile, reports reaching Eastern Somaliland, have indicated that Abdillahi Yusuf is about to launch a military offensive one week from now to take the port city of Bossaso.
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Dispute Arises Over Voters’ Registration
Hargeisa (SL Times) A new dispute over registration
of eligible voters for the next general elections has arisen between the
Government and Somaliland’s opposition parties.
The new dispute has emerged in a
meeting held last Tuesday between Somaliland’s Vice-President and
representatives from six political parties.
In the meeting, the government had
suggested to hold the forthcoming elections without a prior registration of
eligible voters. This proposal however, enraged the representatives of opposition
parties who insisted that voters should register before the elections are held.
On Thursday the government
announced that it has withdrawn the proposal.
Rift
Between Hargeisa Municipality Officials Over Subsidy
Hargeisa (SL times) The municipality of Hargeisa is
undergoing severe financial problems.
Payment of the staff salaries is
frequently delayed due to dwindling revenues. Last week, the rift developed
between the Mayor Mr. Awl Elmi and the Municipality secretary Mr.Abdirahman
over Sl.Shs 8 million subsidy to one of the government newspapers.
The Secretary has apparently refused to authorize the payment of the amount. Instead, he decided to hold the payment of the sum allocated to the newspaper until the entire municipality staff was paid their salaries.
The municipality’s financial
problems are believed to have been caused by the rampant corruption within the
institution.
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President
Egal Congratulates Newly Elected President of East Timor
Hargeisa, (SL Times) – The President of Somaliland Mr.
Mohamed Ibrahim Egal has sent a congratulatory message to the newly elected
President of East Timor, Xanana Gusmao.
The news about the
message was broadcasted by Radio Hargeisa on Thursday.
President Egal has congratulated President Gusmao of East Timor, who is the first elected Head of State of this island country, which is expected to gain its full independence from Indonesia next month.
East Timor voted for independence from Indonesia two and half years ago. The vote triggered serious violence. About 1,000 people were killed by pro-Indonesian militias opposed to independence.
Since then, the
territory has been administered by the United Nations. Mr. Gusmao won 83% of
the votes cast in last Sunday’s election. And he will take up his largely
ceremonial post when East Timor gains full independence in May 2002.
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Somaliland
Welcomes Nairobi Peace Talks, Declines To Attend
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Hargeisa (SL Times): The IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] member states' delegation left Hargeysa on Thursday, after discussing with Somaliland’s government the issue of the Somali Reconciliation Conference to be held in Nairobi.
The delegation arrived on Wednesday in Hargeisa. Somaliland's minister of foreign affairs, Hon. Muhammad Sa'id [Muhammad] Ges, said the republic of Somaliland would not attend the Nairobi meeting organized by IGAD for Somali factions.
In a press statement, Somaliland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it welcomes IGAD's peace initiative for Somalia. The statement said the government of Somaliland and its people would like to see the accomplishment of peace in Somalia and a solution to the problems facing our Somali brothers.
The statement further said, Somaliland is an independent state and is not part of Somalia and its problems; hence, it would not attend the IGAD peace conference or send observers.
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Government
Of Somaliland Position On The IGAD Peace Process For Somalia
Summary
1.
The
GOS welcomes plans by the IGAD member states to convene peace conference for
Somalia in Kenya towards the end of April 2002. The Government and people of
Somaliland desire an end to the suffering of our Somali brothers and sisters,
the achievement of a lasting peace, and the establishment of a legitimate,
representative government for Somalia. However, Somaliland is an independent
state and not a party to the Somali conflict. The GOS therefore will not take
part in the IGAD peace process, nor send observers. Any claims to sovereignty
over Somaliland that arise from the peace process will be viewed by the GOS as
an indication of hostile intent.
General
2.
In
the lead-up to the IGAD Reconciliation Conference for Somalia, currently
scheduled for late April (though likely to be delayed), Somaliland’s views and
intentions vis-à-vis the process will be sought by governments, the
international media and Somalilanders resident abroad. This message is intended
to clarify the GOS position on this issue and provide guidance to all missions
in their response to future queries.
3.
The
Government and people of Somaliland desire an end to the suffering of our
brothers and sisters in Somalia, the achievement of a lasting peace, and the
establishment of a legitimate, representative government for Somalia.
4.
The
GOS believes that terrorism, extremism and political violence have their roots
in the poverty and upheaval of the region. In this regard, Somaliland urges the
United Nations and its member states to consider the restoration of peace and
governance to Somalia as a priority in the international campaign against
terrorism.
5.
Somaliland
has complied fully with the arms embargo on Somalia established by UN Security
Council resolution 733 (1992) of 23 January 1992 and calls on all states to do
likewise.
IGAD Peace Process For Somalia
6.
The
GOS is encouraged by the efforts of the IGAD member states, especially the “frontline
states,” to reinvigorate the Somali peace process with a conference to be
convened in Kenya, under the auspices of President Moi, towards the end of
April. The GOS also welcomes the support extended to this initiative by the
Organization of African Unity and the United Nations.
7.
The
GOS urges all authorities, factions and groups in Somalia to participate
constructively in the upcoming Reconciliation Conference without preconditions.
8.
Somaliland
is not party to the Somali conflict. There are no Somaliland military forces
operating on Somali territory and the GOS has refrained from interfering in
Somalia’s internal affairs despite numerous provocations.
9.
The
GOS is prepared to join other governments of the region in bringing peace to
Somalia. However, Somaliland will not take part in the IGAD peace process, nor
send observers, unless accorded by IGAD the status due a sovereign state.
10.
When
a legitimate, representative government is established in Somalia, the GOS is
prepared to enter into talks with that government concerning the nature of the
relationship between the two states. The GOS seeks to establish peaceful
co-existence and fraternal relations with a future government in Somalia.
11.
The
GOS regrets the attempts of some governments to utilize the peace process as a
means o undermining Somaliland’s stability, sovereignty and territorial
integrity an urges them to channel their energies in a more constructive way
towards the restoration of peace and governance in Somalia.
12.
Any
claims to sovereignty over Somaliland by a future Somali authority will be
viewed by the GOS as an indication of hostile intent. The GOS urges Somali
leaders; member states of IGAD; the AU and the UN to abstain from any
unfriendly declaration or act that could bring further conflict to the region.
Somaliland’s Sovereignty and Independence
13.
Somaliland
received its independence from Great Britain on 26 June 1960 and was
immediately recognized by the international community as a sovereign state.
Somaliland’s subsequent, voluntarily union with Somalia was dissolved on May 18th
1991 when Somaliland retrieved its sovereignty and established a separate
government.
14.
Somaliland’s
independence is based upon the right to self-determination entrenched in the
Charters of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nation. This right
was freely and democratically expressed on 31May 2001 in a referendum. An
overwhelming majority of the electorate voted in favor of a new constitution
that affirmed Somaliland’s independent status. International observers
described the process as free, fair and consistent with international norms for
referenda and elections.
15.
The
GOS has no mandate to compromise Somaliland’s sovereign status. Any
modification of Somaliland’s sovereign status requires endorsement by
referendum and the approval of an absolute majority in Parliament.
16.
Somaliland’s
demand for international recognition is consistent with Article III of the OAU
Charter and Article IV of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, which
pertain to the integrity of borders existing on achievement of independence.
Other African states have been united with neighboring states and subsequently
reclaimed their independence in accordance with these principles, including
Eritrea, Gambia, Sao Tome and Principe, and the Sahrawi Republic. The
dissolution of the United Arab Republic followed a similar pattern.
17.
Somaliland’s
declaration of independence is predicated upon the territory’s prior existence
as a recognized, independent state. It therefore does not set a precedent for
the break-up of Somalia or for other secessionist groups in Africa. To the
contrary, Somaliland fully respects the unity and territorial integrity of
(former Italian) Somalia.
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LETTER TO THE EDITOR
Somaliland’s Recognition, How Long?
As a Somali
citizen who was born in Hargeisa and later grew up in Mogadishu (teen age yrs)
I welcome the kind words of Shatiguduud toward the Somaliland people. But we
should not make of it a major development, because as Ali Gulaid said, we need the mutual agreement of the Somali people
(Somaliland and South Somalia) before international recognition comes to
our shores. I would suggest that the Somaliland leaders call for a
national conference for all those who believe they are looking after the
interest of their people, including those who are part of the TNG but are from
Somaliland. The conference shall be held outside Hargeisa where people are less
likely to be influenced by the big city activities. This conference shall be
based on two things. First how can we have one voice as Somalilanders, even if
we don't agree on everything, and second, what'll be the outcome of not getting
recognition for a long time, and what are the other options that are available
to the Somaliland people.
If recognition is not
attainable, can Somaliland last long as a separate or de facto state as it's
now and how long? In conclusion, we shall be very
careful not to antagonize other people who might have sympathy for our
cause.
Eng.
Abdi M. Farah
Oakland, CA USA
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‘Abuur
iyo waano abuur baa horaysey’
The above saw is not unique to the Somali people;
other cultures have similar adages too.
In English it is often said ‘old habits die hard’ and ‘you cannot teach
an old dog new tricks’.
It seems to me the messages
contained in the above proverbs/sayings/saws- whatever they maybe called- are
perfectly applicable to Somaliland politicians. Our politicians are, simply, unable to grow up; they cannot learn
from anything and, as a result, they reduced our land to a playground for their
clashing egos.
The news that comes from home is very disconcerting
and disappointing, to say the least. We
often hear, through the media, politicians and the highest government officials
insulting each other! I mean,
literally, insulting each other. What
would one expect from people with such low levels of adab? How could one expect
such people to re-build a ruined land?
The word ‘adab’ may sound
old-fashioned and out of date to some ears; but, from a certain point of view,
it is what gives taste and texture to life.
It is like the spices one adds to food to give it flavour. Adab
or lack of it differentiates human beings from two-legged beasts. After all, animals have no adab.
In Islam everything has its own adab. The way one goes to bed at night has its own adab, the way a country is to be run has
its own adab, and even how one
approaches one’s wife has its own adab. Every conceivable thing one needs to do has
its own special adab. Nothing is to be done haphazardly. Orientalists have discovered long time ago
that there is no equivalent English word to adab. Some have translated it as ‘manners’ or ‘courtesy’.
Still they confess that these words do not convey the full meaning and import
of adab.
One thing is for sure, pounding a table with one’s
fist and saying to the other side ‘I am stronger than you’ (as was done in
Hargeisa recently) is not a sign of a mature man let alone the sign of a
minister or a politician worthy of the name.
It is a sure sign of lack of adab.
We hear that the President has ‘succeeded’ or ‘did not
succeed’ in winning Sultan hebel to
his side! Now, I ask you this question:
is this a proper way to run a country that aspires to be ‘a democratic country’? Indeed, old habits die hard. After all he has been through and after
witnessing the calamities and devastations this approach bequeathed to his
people, our President, still cannot do with it! What would it take for our President to understand, at last, that
this approach is not going to work? It
has never worked. If there were any
lasting efficacy to this approach it would have worked for Mohamed Siad Barre
and his clique. He had more resources
and many more opportunists (from every clan) eager to get their hands into the
pot. But, alas, it did not work for
him. Why? Because, simply put, this approach, which he was using and which
our president is using today, is against
the nature of things. Anything that
does not conform to the nature of things is bound to fall and fail sooner or
later.
The fate of Afweyne
should be a lesson to every aspiring ‘macangeg’. He tried every trick in the book to cling to
power- until he ran out of tricks. I
remember, when I was in high school, in Mogadishu, singing the praises of Afweyne every morning before entering
class. Instead of beginning the day
with ‘bismilah’, we were forced to
begin with bismi Afweyne. A mere creature! A whole fictitious history and biography was invented for
him. Sometimes I shudder at how low man
can go. Indeed, Allah, swt, Says in the
Noble Quran that He created man in
the best of stature but that he reduced himself to the lowest of the low.
At any rate, that man (Afweyne), who people used to heap praises on day and night, perished
in the middle of nowhere. Not a single tear was shed for him. I bet even his Marehan felt relief when they heard that he expired. For people who have ‘eyes to see’ this is
not surprising. After all, we are still
in the ‘dunya’, literally, the ‘lower’ world.
I want to conclude by saying that I am NOT a ‘Cigal
basher’. Bashing anyone, let alone the
President, does no good at all. It is
counter-productive. I only commented on
what I see. Neither am I a pro-mucaarid.
If my words sound harsh to the President, it is because he is there
in the field.
Suleimanmohamoud@hotmail.com
Sweden.
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WFP Hargeisa sub-office was established in early 1993 as part of response to the emergency situation created by the civil unrest. The determinations of the population to re-establish a sense of normalcy and take charge of their own recovery and communal rehabilitation have encouraged WFP to launch a protracted relief and recovery operation (PRRO) with a duration of three years starting from July 1999 till 30 June 2002.
Food security in
Somaliland becomes vulnerable due to recurrent droughts, ban on livestock and
disruption in their productive routines. Food aid in Somaliland was targeted in
line with the PRRO through it’s a) support to Social Institutions, b)
Rehabilitation and Recovery Activities and c) Emergency Relief Assistance. A
total of 8034.613 MT of food commodities were distributed under these heads
reaching 279,526 beneficiaries.
Under Social Support
Institutions 2053.53 MT of food commodities were distributed to feeding centers
for street children, elderly and handicapped people, general and TB patients
and some training for civil protection programme since the inception of PRRO in
July 1999 till March 2002. It reached to 62,296 beneficiaries. The social
support programmes are mainly implemented through local NGOs, Ministry of
Health and Labor, Ministry of Education, UNDP/SCPP and international NGOs. The
objective of the social support institutions was to provide nutritional
supplement to poor children, elderly people and patients. About 25% of the
total food distributed in the region went to social support activities.
Under rehabilitation
and recovery activities, WFP has implemented roads, nursery, agriculture land
preparation, water dams & reservoirs, school rehabilitation, municipality
building rehabilitation, skill and human resource development
programme. Same
implementing partners like social projects are involved in recovery activities.
Approximately 22,285 persons were directly benefited from the programme, which
used about 2541.719 MT food commodities from July 1999 till March 2002. About
32% of the total food distributed in the region went to recovery activities.
Lack of rain, crop failures, depletion of coping mechanisms of the poorer pastor lists in the northern regions and a second time ban on livestock necessitated several drought emergency relief distributions. Most of the affected people are without food or less food and depleted most of their resources to cope up with the hard situation. WFP distributes food directly to the affected population. Approximately, 3439.364 MT of food was distributed under emergency from July 1999 till March 2002 covering about 194,945 persons. It was 43% of the total food distributed in the region.
Kaniz
Khan
13.4.02
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SACB
Deeply Concerned About The Humanitarian And Security Situation In Somalia’s
GEDO Region
The following is the full text of a press statement released by the Somali Aid Coordination Body on April 18, 2002:
“The Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB), comprising non-governmental organizations, UN agencies and donor governments, is deeply concerned about the deteriorating situation in Somalia’s Northern Gedo region. In recent days there has been an upsurge in violent fighting, which has caused death, injury and displacement to many Somalis and is seriously impairing the delivery of urgently needed humanitarian assistance to thousands of people in increasingly desperate need.
The SACB strongly condemns the assassination of Nur Mohamed Yusuf, a senior local staff member of an international NGO who was killed on 11 April as a result of the current fighting, and the deaths of other innocent civilians caught in crossfire.
Of particular concern are reports
of the increasing movement of arms in Gedo region, indicating that preparation
for further fighting is ongoing. The
SACB calls upon the warring parties in Gedo to desist from the fighting, so
that humanitarian access to the area, presently lost, is regained. Without the reestablishment of this humanitarian access many more people
could die.
Gedo region has been acutely affected by three consecutive
years of crop failure, compounded by continued insecurity. The population is extremely vulnerable and
relies heavily on food aid for survival.
The current violence has caused thousands of people to flee their homes,
exacerbating an already difficult situation.
The SACB is compelled to note that those in authority in Gedo region have an obligation under international humanitarian law to look after the welfare of the people under their control, and are obliged to ensure humanitarian access, security of humanitarian workers, as well as the protection of humanitarian supplies and the beneficiaries themselves.
The SACB expects that local authorities, businesses and others who play an active role in the affairs of Somalia’s southern regions will recognize their moral and legal responsibilities to those whose lives depend so desperately upon timely and appropriate humanitarian assistance.
Finally, the SACB supports and encourages peace initiatives that seek to sustain and build upon humanitarian relief assistance and calls for an increase of peace building efforts in this region.”
