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Can the Somalia Crisis Be Contained?

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Rayale To Spend Several Millions $ On A Private Trip To The UK, Germany And USA

Dan Simpson: The Ghost Of Somalia

"Extremist" Splinter Group Of Somali Islamic Courts Formed

Ethiopian Army Commander Defects To Eritrea

Somaliland Party Leader Urges Mogadishu Courts To Reassure Region On Peace

Can the Somalia Crisis Be Contained?

Lebanon/Israel: Urgent Need For Ceasefire And Investigation Of War Crimes

Kazakhstan Denies Somalia Arms Lift

Regional Affairs

Somalia's Leaders Sack Government

Pastoralists Face Extinction Unless Govts Act To Save Them

Fears Of Further Bloodshed In Somalia

Navy Reaches Out To East African Countries

Ethiopia Attacking Ogaden Rebels


The Incitement Against Ethiopia Wont Work

Sub-Editorial: Abdi Samatar: The Professor Of Terror

Special Report

International News

Britain Names 19 Of 24 Suspects In Air Terror Plot

Muslims Fear New Wave Of 'Islamophobia'

MP3 Live: K'Naan Breaks Out

Islamic Victory In Somalia A "Seismic Shift," Says Davidson Professor


Somalia’s High Stakes Power Struggle

Editorial: Exposing The Lexicon Of The Anti-Somaliland Camp

Through The Danger Zone

Arrival Of Partners Or Predators?

Arrival Of Partners Or Predators?

Food for thought


New Parliament: Weighed In The Balance And Found Wanting

The Somalia Tragedy Part II


Is Rayale An Honest President?

Africa Report N°116 10 August 2006


Nairobi/Brussels, August 10, 2006 – Somalia has been drifting toward a new war since the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was formed in late 2004 but the trend has recently accelerated dramatically. The stand-off between the TFG and its Ethiopian ally on the one hand, and the Islamic Courts, which now control Mogadishu, on the other, threatens to escalate into a wider conflict that would consume much of the south, destabilize peaceful territories like Somaliland and Puntland and possibly involve terrorist attacks in neighboring countries unless urgent efforts are made by both sides and the international community to put together a government of national unity.

The Islamic Courts’ success, and the rise to prominence of hard-line jihadi Islamists within them, has alarmed neighbors and sent shock waves through the broader international community. Ethiopia, which suffered terrorist attacks by al-Itihaad al-Islaami (AIAI) in the mid-1990s, considers the Courts a direct threat. Kenya is alarmed by links between key figures within the Courts and individuals of concern within its own borders. The U.S. believes jihadi Islamists within the Courts shield al-Qaeda operatives responsible for bombing two of its embassies in 1998. All share determination not to allow Somalia to evolve into an African version of Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the Transitional Federal Government is increasingly perceived within Somalia as a faction rather than a national authority and is so wracked by internal dissent and the accelerating defections of cabinet ministers that it threatens to fall apart.

The TFG and Ethiopia paint the Islamic Courts – far too simplistically – as a terrorist umbrella, backed by thousands of foreign jihadi fighters, and Ethiopia has threatened to “crush” them if they move against the TFG. The Courts have responded to Ethiopian deployments in Somalia by calling for a defensive jihad and breaking off peace talks under Arab League auspices. Skirmishes between TFG and Islamic Court forces south of Mogadishu in late July were widely perceived as the first exchanges of a coming conflict. Unless the crisis is contained, it threatens to draw in a widening array of state actors, foreign jihadi Islamists and al-Qaeda. Moreover, Eritrean assistance to the Courts has made Somalia an increasingly likely proxy battlefield between long-feuding Eritrea and Ethiopia.

The roots of the crisis are profoundly parochial and have more to do with practical power, prestige and clan issues than ideology. The core of the dispute is the TFG’s failure to make itself a genuine government of national unity and the emergence of the Islamic Courts as a platform for opposition from large sections of the Hawiye clan – probably the largest, most powerful kinship group in southern Somalia. The Courts are a loose coalition of Islamists, including many moderates, who have built a well-trained militia and independent funding sources.

The situation is, in part, a by-product of the long decline of Mogadishu factional leaders, who a decade ago monopolized political representation in the country but have gradually faded, creating a political vacuum filled by the Islamists. Their decline has multiple causes, including unwillingness to provide basic services and rule of law in areas they controlled and the rise of rival business elites. The clan-based Sharia court system in Mogadishu, which began a decade ago as a local mechanism to deal with chronic lawlessness and is almost entirely affiliated with Hawiye lineages, is valued by local people and business interests as one of the few sources of local governance in the south. Its ascent has radically altered Somali politics. Since the Courts defeated prominent faction leaders in four months of heavy fighting in Mogadishu this year, they have consolidated their grip on the capital and its environs, establishing a new political force in the south which threatens to eclipse the fragile TFG.

Ironically, the crisis is a direct product of ill-conceived foreign interventions. Ethiopia’s attempts to supplant the earlier Transitional National Government (2000-2003) with one dominated by its allies alienated large sections of the Hawiye clan, leaving the TFG with a support base too narrow to operate in and near Mogadishu. The calls of the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) for foreign peacekeepers, intended to bolster the TFG, have instead cast it as ineffectual and dependent on foreign support, and provided a rallying cry for diverse opposition groups. U.S. counter-terrorism efforts meant to contain foreign al-Qaeda operatives have accelerated the expansion of jihadi Islamist forces and produced the largest potential safe haven for al-Qaeda in Africa.

Decisive international action to contain the Somali crisis is long overdue. Diplomatic initiatives have tiptoed around the core issues: any negotiated settlement must reconstitute the TFG as a genuine government of national unity, including credible leaders from both the Islamic Courts and the broader Hawiye community; the TFG’s draft National Security and Stabilization Plan (NSSP) must be revised to reflect new realities on the ground; and agreement must be reached on a phased return of the federal institutions to the national capital, Mogadishu. An independent, broad-based constitutional commission should be established, as per the Transitional Federal Charter, in order to provide a forum for dialogue over the structure and legal foundations of the Somali state.

There is no ideal candidate to lead this initiative among the many international organizations and countries active in and about Somalia. Each has weaknesses, including often the perception by the TFG or the Islamic Courts of prejudice. Crisis Group believes the UN is best placed to take on the challenge but it will need to work collegially with the others, its in-country presence should be reinforced and its leverage must be increased by vigorous Security Council support.


To President Abdillahi Yusuf of the Transitional Federal Government:

1.   Dismiss the current government and invite a senior Hawiye leader to form a government of national unity through negotiations with the Islamic Courts.

To the Transitional Federal Government:

2.   Agree to resume dialogue with the Courts immediately and without preconditions.

3.   Offer to revise the National Security and Stabilization Plan (NSSP), including any plans for deployment of foreign troops, through negotiations with the Islamic Courts.

To the Islamic Courts:

4.   Agree to resume dialogue with the TFG immediately and without preconditions.

5.   Declare a moratorium on the establishment of new Courts in areas or communities where they do not yet exist.

6.   Affirm respect for Ethiopia’s territorial integrity.

7.   Reaffirm commitment to combating terrorism and extend a formal invitation to the United Nations Security Council to investigate whether international terrorists are present in areas under the Courts’ control.

To the UN Security Council:

8.   Demand cessation of all foreign military interference in Somalia and respect for the arms embargo.

9.   Request the Secretary-General, through his Special Representative, to take the initiative in resolving the crisis, by:

(a)   working closely with the member states and the international organizations that have special interest and expertise, including IGAD, the Arab League and its chairman, Sudan, and the African Union, as well as the Contact Group (the U.S., European Union, Italy, Sweden, UK, Tanzania and Norway); and

(b)   mediating efforts to reconcile the TFG and the Islamic Courts and form a government of national unity.

10.   Be prepared to create leverage in support of the efforts to produce a government of national unity by levying sanctions if necessary against spoilers.

11.   Request the Counter Terrorism and al-Qaeda Committees to seek the cooperation of the Islamic Courts and TFG in investigating whether international terrorists are present in Somalia.

To the Governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea:

12.   Cease all military interference in Somalia and inflammatory rhetoric concerning the situation.

To the African Union and Member States of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development:

13.   Suspend plans for deployment of a peace support operation subject to agreement between the TFG and the Islamic Courts on the mission, composition and duration of any such deployment.

To the Government of the United States:

14.   Support the diplomatic efforts to facilitate a government of national unity by working more vigorously within the Contact Group and with the key governments and international organizations, and to this end appoint a senior diplomat as special envoy equipped with appropriate negotiating authority.

Nairobi /Brussels , 10 August 2006

Full text for Africa Report N°116 10 August 2006 can be found at website www.crisisgroup.org


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